Journal of Social-Political Studies of Iran's Culture and History

Iran–Africa relations have deep historical roots. Africa has consistently been one of the main priorities of Iran’s foreign policy. During the Cold War, Iran supported the process of decolonization across the African continent. Until 1979, Iran’s engagement with Africa was based on mutual economic, political, and strategic interests. After the Islamic Revolution, the nature of these relations underwent significant transformations. In recent years, Iran’s diplomatic and economic relations with East African countries have expanded, particularly in political, commercial, and developmental domains. Relying on principles such as non-interference in domestic affairs and the convergence of developing countries, Iran seeks to strengthen its position in this region and create counterweights to the influence of Western powers. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to examine the diplomatic and economic relations between Iran and East African countries. To achieve this objective, a descriptive–analytical method was employed. Findings indicate that, from an economic perspective, Iran seeks to benefit from the natural resources and developmental needs of East African countries, while these countries, in turn, require Iranian products and services in areas such as oil, petrochemicals, engineering, and technology. However, challenges such as sanctions and competition with other economic powers like China and India persist. From a diplomatic standpoint, some African countries aim to restrict the Islamic Republic of Iran’s cultural and religious influence in the region; therefore, they establish relations with Iran’s rivals, such as Israel and Saudi Arabia. In response, Iran, through cultural and religious diplomacy, attempts to expand its influence in the region. Overall, Iran’s relations with this region possess considerable potential for development, yet they require strategic management of opportunities and challenges to achieve desirable outcomes.

In this study, using the framework of Subaltern Studies and based on the theoretical perspectives of Ranajit Guha and Partha Chatterjee, the role of lower social groups such as ayyars (urban militias), Kharijites, and subaltern urban and rural strata in the process of Saffarid state formation in Sistan is examined. Contrary to traditional narratives that view the emergence of states as the product of elite actions and central powers, this article—emphasizing the concept of “state-building from below”—demonstrates that the Saffarids not only emerged from subaltern classes but also consolidated and expanded their rule through the coalition and support of these groups. The main research question is: how did subaltern social groups contribute to the formation, consolidation, and expansion of the Saffarid power, and what similarities and differences can be observed between this experience and other contemporary regional independent states? The research method is a historical-sociological analysis with a descriptive-analytical approach, relying on library sources and correlating data with the theoretical concepts of Subaltern Studies. The findings indicate that the ayyars and Kharijites, by forming popular networks, local resistance movements, and mobilizing social resources, not only elevated the Saffarids from subaltern strata to rulership but also established a new model of state-building based on social movements and peripheral resistance—a model that, compared to elite-driven contemporaneous states, possessed unique dynamics and vulnerabilities. The key points of the study emphasize the importance of subaltern actors, local identity, and the critique of centralist narratives of state formation.

This study aims to analyze the causes and factors contributing to the failure of Iranian diplomacy during the Qajar period, focusing on both internal and external mechanisms and processes from the reign of Agha Mohammad Khan to Mohammad Shah. The central problem of this research is to examine the reasons and dynamics behind the continuity of Iran’s diplomatic failures in confronting the extensive pressures and rivalries of colonial powers, particularly Britain and Russia. In this context, emphasis has been placed on the role of internal factors—such as weak administrative structures, corruption, the ignorance of statesmen, and the lack of adequate diplomatic training—as well as external factors, including unfair treaties, the penetration of colonial powers, and the absence of effective defensive capability against international threats.The main research question is how these factors, through their interaction, influenced Iran’s diplomatic processes and led to persistent weaknesses and repeated failures in safeguarding national interests. To address this question, the study analyzes historical documents, treaties, and diplomatic approaches, demonstrating that structural weaknesses and unprofessional decision-making overshadowed Iran’s diplomatic opportunities and facilitated colonial exploitation. This research contributes to identifying the elements that result in failure in foreign policy and underscores the necessity of structural reforms in the sphere of diplomacy.

The petition (ʿarīża) is considered one of the important historical documents encompassing multiple social, economic, political, and cultural dimensions, but it holds particular significance in the field of social history. This type of document not only reflects the everyday concerns of the people but also conveys their social perspectives and attitudes toward governments and political–social transformations. In other words, petitions represent the interactions of people with one another and with governing authorities. In the history of Iran, villages have always been among the main centers of petition writing, used as a means to seek justice, remedy grievances, and regulate relations with authorities and other communities. This article aims to identify and compare the concerns and issues of the rural society of Kermanshahan during the Constitutional Revolution and the reign of Reza Shah, based on data obtained from petitions of those periods. Employing a qualitative and comparative content analysis approach, the study examines, interprets, and analyzes the available petitions from both eras and seeks to answer the following question: What were the demands of social actors in the rural society of Kermanshahan during these two periods, and how did these demands evolve? The findings reveal that these demands can be analyzed within four main categories—social, political, economic, and cultural—and have fluctuated under the influence of historical transformations and events within the sphere of rural life. During the Constitutional period, political and social demands primarily revolved around security issues and the elimination of oppression, whereas in the Reza Shah era, the rural population’s concerns were more focused on everyday social and economic matters and on how to interact with representatives and officials of the central government.

Islamic civilization has had its ups and downs, and with the victory of the Islamic Revolution, Islamic awakening in Iran reached its peak and the Islamic world moved towards awakening. The Supreme Leader has proposed a new theory of "modern Islamic civilization" for the development of Islamic civilization. In this regard, the main purpose of this article is to explain the goals and indicators of modern Islamic civilization from the perspective of the Supreme Leader. The main question is posed as to what are the goals and indicators of modern Islamic civilization from the perspective of the Supreme Leader, and the hypothesis is put forward that the main indicator of Islamic civilization from the perspective of the Supreme Leader is the enjoyment of all material and spiritual capacities by humans, and its main goal is to ensure happiness and strengthen religious values. The results of the research show that from the perspective of the Supreme Leader, the development and progress of modern Islamic civilization requires collective effort and wisdom that is created in the shadow of morality, work and effort, faith in God, rationality, scientific ability, a flourishing economy, the availability of strong media, and international relations. The type of research method is descriptive-analytical and based on library studies.

The middle class in any society encompasses various social strata that originate from different social backgrounds and possess diverse political demands and tendencies. From a theoretical and conceptual standpoint, the middle class is considered a social class that includes many individuals in various occupations who are culturally more similar to the upper class yet economically closer to the working class. In the present article, through the collection of documentary data and using an explanatory (causal), descriptive-analytical method along with qualitative data analysis, and employing the theoretical approach of the middle class, an attempt has been made to examine the conditions and factors that led to the emergence and formation of the new middle class in Iran, as well as to analyze the dynamics of the middle-class structure throughout the history of contemporary socio-political developments in Iran. Moreover, the role of the new middle class in the Iranian Islamic Revolution is explored. The research question posed in this article is: What role and function did the new middle class have in the Iranian Islamic Revolution? The hypothesis tested in response to this question states that the role and function of the new middle class—through population growth, the expansion of urbanization in cities, and the increase in education levels—by forming an alliance with the traditional middle class (i.e., the clergy, the bazaar, and the lower strata of society), and through intellectual creativity, self-awareness, rationality, responsibility, and social criticism, led to challenging the government of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi and ultimately to the Iranian Islamic Revolution.

Iran-Syria relations have long been one of the central pillars of Middle Eastern geopolitics. The political and security ties between the two countries, particularly after the outbreak of the Syrian crisis in 2011, became stronger than ever, with Iran providing extensive political, military, and financial support to Damascus. However, despite such close alignment, economic and trade relations have not advanced proportionally. The purpose of this study is to analyze the reasons for this imbalance and examine the trajectory of Iran-Syria trade between 2011 and 2021. The research employs a descriptive-analytical method based on statistical data, official documents, and reliable sources. Findings indicate that Iran’s exports to Syria during this period mainly consisted of industrial parts, pharmaceuticals, and food products, while imports were limited to goods such as phosphates and agricultural products. These trends were shaped by banking challenges, transport limitations, international sanctions, and the weak knowledge of Syrian market opportunities among Iranian economic actors. Regional competition also demonstrated that countries such as Turkey, China, and the United Arab Emirates have secured larger market shares in Syria and won major reconstruction contracts. Consequently, Iran, despite its extensive political and security investments, has gained fewer economic benefits. The article concludes by proposing key strategies such as establishing a joint bank, developing direct transport lines, strengthening exports of engineering services, and focusing on long-term investments as essential prerequisites for enhancing Iran-Syria economic cooperation.

Iran's foreign policy toward Russia throughout the twentieth and twenty-first centuries has undergone fundamental shifts rooted in political regime changes, structural transformations in the international system, and the ideological orientation of political elites. This study aims to comparatively analyze Iran’s foreign policy toward Russia during the Pahlavi II era and the Islamic Republic. Using the theoretical framework of realism, the research examines key components such as perceptions of national interests, the nature of economic and military relations, identity-based understandings of Russia, and the role of great powers in regional balance. The findings indicate that, despite some similarities—such as cautious engagement with Russia and using it as a counterweight to the West—there are essential differences in how Russia is perceived, the degree of mutual trust, the depth of cooperation, and how national interests are defined. During the Pahlavi II era, Iran's foreign policy was pro-Western and development-oriented, viewing Russia as a geopolitical threat. In contrast, under the Islamic Republic, Russia has been treated as a tactical partner in countering Western unilateralism. Nonetheless, in neither period did the relationship evolve into a strategic alliance, remaining instead governed by structural constraints and power calculations. The overall conclusion underscores that Iran’s foreign policy toward Russia in both periods has been shaped more by realist logic and national interests than by lasting ideological or value-based alliances.