About the Journal
Current Issue
Vol. 4 No. 3 (2025): Serial Number 16
Published:
2025-10-04
Iran–Africa relations have deep historical roots. Africa has consistently been one of the main priorities of Iran’s foreign policy. During the Cold War, Iran supported the process of decolonization across the African continent. Until 1979, Iran’s engagement with Africa was based on mutual economic, political, and strategic interests. After the Islamic Revolution, the nature of these relations underwent significant transformations. In recent years, Iran’s diplomatic and economic relations with East African countries have expanded, particularly in political, commercial, and developmental domains. Relying on principles such as non-interference in domestic affairs and the convergence of developing countries, Iran seeks to strengthen its position in this region and create counterweights to the influence of Western powers. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to examine the diplomatic and economic relations between Iran and East African countries. To achieve this objective, a descriptive–analytical method was employed. Findings indicate that, from an economic perspective, Iran seeks to benefit from the natural resources and developmental needs of East African countries, while these countries, in turn, require Iranian products and services in areas such as oil, petrochemicals, engineering, and technology. However, challenges such as sanctions and competition with other economic powers like China and India persist. From a diplomatic standpoint, some African countries aim to restrict the Islamic Republic of Iran’s cultural and religious influence in the region; therefore, they establish relations with Iran’s rivals, such as Israel and Saudi Arabia. In response, Iran, through cultural and religious diplomacy, attempts to expand its influence in the region. Overall, Iran’s relations with this region possess considerable potential for development, yet they require strategic management of opportunities and challenges to achieve desirable outcomes.
In this study, using the framework of Subaltern Studies and based on the theoretical perspectives of Ranajit Guha and Partha Chatterjee, the role of lower social groups such as ayyars (urban militias), Kharijites, and subaltern urban and rural strata in the process of Saffarid state formation in Sistan is examined. Contrary to traditional narratives that view the emergence of states as the product of elite actions and central powers, this article—emphasizing the concept of “state-building from below”—demonstrates that the Saffarids not only emerged from subaltern classes but also consolidated and expanded their rule through the coalition and support of these groups. The main research question is: how did subaltern social groups contribute to the formation, consolidation, and expansion of the Saffarid power, and what similarities and differences can be observed between this experience and other contemporary regional independent states? The research method is a historical-sociological analysis with a descriptive-analytical approach, relying on library sources and correlating data with the theoretical concepts of Subaltern Studies. The findings indicate that the ayyars and Kharijites, by forming popular networks, local resistance movements, and mobilizing social resources, not only elevated the Saffarids from subaltern strata to rulership but also established a new model of state-building based on social movements and peripheral resistance—a model that, compared to elite-driven contemporaneous states, possessed unique dynamics and vulnerabilities. The key points of the study emphasize the importance of subaltern actors, local identity, and the critique of centralist narratives of state formation.
This study aims to analyze the causes and factors contributing to the failure of Iranian diplomacy during the Qajar period, focusing on both internal and external mechanisms and processes from the reign of Agha Mohammad Khan to Mohammad Shah. The central problem of this research is to examine the reasons and dynamics behind the continuity of Iran’s diplomatic failures in confronting the extensive pressures and rivalries of colonial powers, particularly Britain and Russia. In this context, emphasis has been placed on the role of internal factors—such as weak administrative structures, corruption, the ignorance of statesmen, and the lack of adequate diplomatic training—as well as external factors, including unfair treaties, the penetration of colonial powers, and the absence of effective defensive capability against international threats.The main research question is how these factors, through their interaction, influenced Iran’s diplomatic processes and led to persistent weaknesses and repeated failures in safeguarding national interests. To address this question, the study analyzes historical documents, treaties, and diplomatic approaches, demonstrating that structural weaknesses and unprofessional decision-making overshadowed Iran’s diplomatic opportunities and facilitated colonial exploitation. This research contributes to identifying the elements that result in failure in foreign policy and underscores the necessity of structural reforms in the sphere of diplomacy.
The petition (ʿarīża) is considered one of the important historical documents encompassing multiple social, economic, political, and cultural dimensions, but it holds particular significance in the field of social history. This type of document not only reflects the everyday concerns of the people but also conveys their social perspectives and attitudes toward governments and political–social transformations. In other words, petitions represent the interactions of people with one another and with governing authorities. In the history of Iran, villages have always been among the main centers of petition writing, used as a means to seek justice, remedy grievances, and regulate relations with authorities and other communities. This article aims to identify and compare the concerns and issues of the rural society of Kermanshahan during the Constitutional Revolution and the reign of Reza Shah, based on data obtained from petitions of those periods. Employing a qualitative and comparative content analysis approach, the study examines, interprets, and analyzes the available petitions from both eras and seeks to answer the following question: What were the demands of social actors in the rural society of Kermanshahan during these two periods, and how did these demands evolve? The findings reveal that these demands can be analyzed within four main categories—social, political, economic, and cultural—and have fluctuated under the influence of historical transformations and events within the sphere of rural life. During the Constitutional period, political and social demands primarily revolved around security issues and the elimination of oppression, whereas in the Reza Shah era, the rural population’s concerns were more focused on everyday social and economic matters and on how to interact with representatives and officials of the central government.
Islamic civilization has had its ups and downs, and with the victory of the Islamic Revolution, Islamic awakening in Iran reached its peak and the Islamic world moved towards awakening. The Supreme Leader has proposed a new theory of "modern Islamic civilization" for the development of Islamic civilization. In this regard, the main purpose of this article is to explain the goals and indicators of modern Islamic civilization from the perspective of the Supreme Leader. The main question is posed as to what are the goals and indicators of modern Islamic civilization from the perspective of the Supreme Leader, and the hypothesis is put forward that the main indicator of Islamic civilization from the perspective of the Supreme Leader is the enjoyment of all material and spiritual capacities by humans, and its main goal is to ensure happiness and strengthen religious values. The results of the research show that from the perspective of the Supreme Leader, the development and progress of modern Islamic civilization requires collective effort and wisdom that is created in the shadow of morality, work and effort, faith in God, rationality, scientific ability, a flourishing economy, the availability of strong media, and international relations. The type of research method is descriptive-analytical and based on library studies.
Iran-Syria relations have long been one of the central pillars of Middle Eastern geopolitics. The political and security ties between the two countries, particularly after the outbreak of the Syrian crisis in 2011, became stronger than ever, with Iran providing extensive political, military, and financial support to Damascus. However, despite such close alignment, economic and trade relations have not advanced proportionally. The purpose of this study is to analyze the reasons for this imbalance and examine the trajectory of Iran-Syria trade between 2011 and 2021. The research employs a descriptive-analytical method based on statistical data, official documents, and reliable sources. Findings indicate that Iran’s exports to Syria during this period mainly consisted of industrial parts, pharmaceuticals, and food products, while imports were limited to goods such as phosphates and agricultural products. These trends were shaped by banking challenges, transport limitations, international sanctions, and the weak knowledge of Syrian market opportunities among Iranian economic actors. Regional competition also demonstrated that countries such as Turkey, China, and the United Arab Emirates have secured larger market shares in Syria and won major reconstruction contracts. Consequently, Iran, despite its extensive political and security investments, has gained fewer economic benefits. The article concludes by proposing key strategies such as establishing a joint bank, developing direct transport lines, strengthening exports of engineering services, and focusing on long-term investments as essential prerequisites for enhancing Iran-Syria economic cooperation.
Iran's foreign policy toward Russia throughout the twentieth and twenty-first centuries has undergone fundamental shifts rooted in political regime changes, structural transformations in the international system, and the ideological orientation of political elites. This study aims to comparatively analyze Iran’s foreign policy toward Russia during the Pahlavi II era and the Islamic Republic. Using the theoretical framework of realism, the research examines key components such as perceptions of national interests, the nature of economic and military relations, identity-based understandings of Russia, and the role of great powers in regional balance. The findings indicate that, despite some similarities—such as cautious engagement with Russia and using it as a counterweight to the West—there are essential differences in how Russia is perceived, the degree of mutual trust, the depth of cooperation, and how national interests are defined. During the Pahlavi II era, Iran's foreign policy was pro-Western and development-oriented, viewing Russia as a geopolitical threat. In contrast, under the Islamic Republic, Russia has been treated as a tactical partner in countering Western unilateralism. Nonetheless, in neither period did the relationship evolve into a strategic alliance, remaining instead governed by structural constraints and power calculations. The overall conclusion underscores that Iran’s foreign policy toward Russia in both periods has been shaped more by realist logic and national interests than by lasting ideological or value-based alliances.
This study aims to explain the model of political education in the thought of the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, through qualitative content analysis of his statements. The research method is based on inductive coding and the extraction of foundational themes from his speeches and perspectives during the period from 1984 to 2016. The findings indicate that the political education model in his intellectual system is founded on six major pillars: (1) justice-centeredness and the integration of ethics and law as a paradigm of governance, (2) comprehensive rational–spiritual education in contrast to secular models, (3) the responsibility of government in providing public education as a tool of resistance against globalization, (4) the family as a micro-state of education centered on the role of parents, (5) resistance discourse as an identity-building force against hegemonic powers, and (6) spiritual education to prepare society for the era of the reappearance. This model, by redefining the boundaries of politics and ethics, considers the state responsible for the moral perfection of citizens and the institutionalization of an “Islamic–revolutionary identity.” Emphasis on religious meritocracy, the priority of justice over liberal freedom, and the transformation of values into political norms distinguish this theory from secular models. The research concludes that this intellectual system not only provides a framework for “religious governance,” but also presents social engineering based on Shiʿi teachings as an alternative to liberal modernity. This model raises significant theoretical questions regarding the possibility of reconciling value stability with innovation in post-revolutionary societies.
The Journal of Social-Political Studies of Iran's Culture and History is published to enhance the academic and specialized level of the community and to introduce the scientific and research activities and investigative articles of faculty members, researchers, and scholars.
Objectives: Efforts and collaboration to develop political and social research in the contemporary history of Iran; commitment to establishing research areas and political and social studies in the contemporary history of Iran; creating convergence between political sciences and social sciences as fields of humanities.
Scope: Publication of scientific articles on various political and social aspects of the lives of the people of Iran throughout its contemporary history, with an emphasis on the following areas: theoretical and methodological discussions in the field of political and social studies; social and political strata and classes; social and political beliefs; social policies and political communities; social and political institutions; comparative studies of political and social fields of Iran and other countries; livelihood and daily life; population and migration; natural disasters; diseases; health and medicine; rural and urbanization; customs and traditions; pastoral and nomadic life; and other specific areas of research in political and social studies.