Various components influence the formation of the culture of any nation or the followers of any religion. A comprehensive examination of the cultural history of any nation requires attention to all the causes and factors involved in the formation process of their cultural history. Among these causes and factors is the function of religion, which is considered one of the most influential elements in the cultural history of nations. In examining the Safavid rule, religion and its associated forces play a significant role. In fact, the government that Shah Ismail I established in 1501 was a religious government based on the existing religious indicators in society. The Safavid rulers managed to accelerate the process of forming their worldly power by relying on religious institutions. The role of religion in the formation, legitimization, continuity, and eventual decline of the Safavid state is entirely evident. Although the Safavid state was formed on the basis of religion and religious forces, the element of culture and its evolutionary course flourished significantly with the establishment and consolidation of the government. This study examines the role of religion and Shi'a Islam in the culture of Safavid-era Iran. The most significant achievement and finding of this work is the identification and analysis of some beliefs, rituals, institutions, and Shi'a symbols that had a positive role in shaping the culture of Iranians during this period. Thus, this text will explore the factors and subjects that influenced the social and cultural behavior and practices of Iranians during the Safavid era.
During the 5th and 6th centuries AD, the Quraysh clan dominated the land of Hijaz and its important city of Mecca, and with the support of holding the keys to the Kaaba and commercial activities, its two clans, Bani Hashim and Bani Umayya, benefited from abundant prestige and wealth. It created a competition between the Hashemites and the Umayyads, which had a great impact on the political and social-cultural history of the Arabian Peninsula.
This article, using a descriptive-analytical method, seeks to reread the causes and factors of the confrontation between the Umayyads and the Hashemites over the authoritative and comprehensive leadership in Hijaz and Najd and on the threshold of the rise of Islam. The result of the research shows that despite the equality of social status of the two clans, the elevation of the Hashemian social base compared to the superiority of the Umayyad economic power, as well as the belief of the Hashimes in the minimal distance between the people in power and the people, gave them the opportunity to have a popular and legitimate position, different from the Umayyads. and this acceptability aroused the Umayyads' jealousy and sympathy.
Abu al-Fath Ali ibn Muhammad al-Busti (born 942–947 CE, died 1009 or 1010 CE) was one of the prominent poets, secretaries, and scholars of the 10th century CE. In his birthplace, he studied under renowned figures such as Ibn Hibban al-Busti (d. 965 CE) and later, in his youth, entered the court of Emir Bust Bay Toz, assuming the role of his vizier. After the city was conquered by Sabuktigin in 978 CE, he became one of Sabuktigin’s close associates and took charge of his correspondence office. His career flourished during the early reign of Mahmud of Ghazni (r. 999–1030 CE) until he fell out of favor with the sultan for unknown reasons. This turn of events led him to Turkestan, where he eventually passed away. The exact reason(s) for his dismissal are unclear, but some conjectures can be made based on existing evidence. Intrigues by rivals and the jealousy of courtiers and bureaucrats, notably Vizier Abu'l-Abbas Isfaraini, Sultan Mahmud’s biased views, the prevailing atmosphere at the court, Busti’s personal interests and beliefs, and his support for Ilik Khan all likely contributed to his downfall.
The physical distancing during the COVID-19 pandemic led individuals to increasingly utilize modern communication technologies, particularly social networks, where slacktivists, as users of these networks, expressed their concerns. The aim of this study is to identify the primary, secondary, and organizing themes of the critical factors raised by slacktivists concerning the COVID-19 crisis in Iran. The approach of this research is qualitative, with data collected through exploratory interviews until theoretical saturation was reached, involving 10 experts in communication and health. The thematic analysis method was used for data analysis. Six organizing themes were identified: "government performance, lack of statistical and informational dissemination from official networks and institutions, dissemination of non-scientific content, rumors, lack of oversight on individuals' activities in cyberspace, and the weakness of specialized and responsible groups in providing accurate information." Slacktivists specifically criticized the government's failures in controlling the spread of COVID-19. They pointed out that some countries were able to respond more effectively to the pandemic. These critiques are grounded in the belief that structural challenges in the health and social systems, along with the weakness of responsible institutions in providing accurate information, contributed to the inadequate control of the COVID-19 crisis. |
The culture of any society, being its essence and a factor for the continuity and cohesion of its members, is directly related to its population and people; as the members of society are the transmitters of culture to the next generation and the cause of its perpetuation. Every society endeavors to institutionalize various aspects of its culture among its members through different means and thereby organize the behaviors and actions of its members. On the other hand, social changes and sometimes cultural transformations occurring in the deeper layers of culture necessitate the alignment of norms and beliefs so that the ideals and actions of society members become unified. This crucial task was accomplished through the cooperation of political institutions, family, and education. Educating individuals is one of the effective ways of expanding and deepening the culture of society, socializing individuals, and institutionalizing values and norms. If properly carried out in society, it reduces the costs of social control and subsequent deviations. Hence, throughout history, educational institutions have held importance alongside political and ideological issues. Before establishing specific places for education, these were taught in religious places along with ideological matters, becoming part of beliefs and beliefs part of education. The history of education in Iran narrates the story of education and educational and scientific centers, as well as educational customs, which have evolved from ancient times to recent periods, undergoing numerous changes and fluctuations. Since the history of education and training is the narration of the course of thought and philosophy and speaks of the achievement of human culture and civilization, this is attained through education. Awareness of this history is a means for retrieving and recognizing the foundations and elements of culture and civilization and paying attention to the philosophy and goals of education in each society.
The aim of this study is to validate the family economic efficiency model with a cultural approach, emphasizing the Iranian-Islamic lifestyle. This research is applied, and its approach is quantitative. The statistical population of the research in the quantitative section consisted of 135 individuals, from which a sample size of 100 people was selected using the Morgan table. The data collection tool in this section was a researcher-made questionnaire, which included the components identified in the conceptual model of Fakhari et al. (2023). To ensure the validity of the questionnaire, its face validity was confirmed by the supervisor and a number of members of the statistical community, including university professors. Its content validity was also confirmed by the supervisor. The reliability of the questionnaire was confirmed with a Cronbach’s alpha coefficient of 0.8. To validate the model derived from the identified information, a structural equation modeling approach based on variance was used. The results showed that the identified factors were categorized into five main concepts: causal conditions, intervening factors, contextual factors, outcomes, and strategies (with different sub-concepts).
The aim of this study is to examine and investigate the socio-cultural factors influencing women's political participation in Mazandaran. The theoretical framework is based on the perspectives of Robert Putnam, Habermas, Lerner, Milbrath, and Lipset. The research method is a survey, and the unit of analysis is women over 18 years of age. The sampling method is multi-stage cluster sampling, and the sample size, according to Cochran's formula, is 384 individuals. The data collection tool is a researcher-made questionnaire. Data analysis methods include Pearson correlation coefficient, path analysis, and multiple regression analysis using SPSS software. Face validity was used to assess validity, and the Cronbach's alpha coefficient for the dependent variable of political participation was 0.885, indicating the reliability of the variables. The findings showed that the average political participation in both the objective and subjective dimensions of political participation was moderate. About 8.9% reported very low levels of political participation. Approximately 17.7% indicated low participation, about 33.8% reported moderate participation, about 21.4% reported high participation, and about 14.6% reported very high political participation. There is a positive and direct relationship between the variables of social capital, political socialization, the extent of media use, cultural capital, religiosity, and the level of social security with the level of political participation in both objective and subjective dimensions. Regression analysis shows that 41.2% of the variance in women's political participation is related to the independent variables. The highest explanation of variance and changes in women's political participation belong to the variables of political socialization and social capital, respectively. In conclusion, strengthening and enhancing social and cultural capital, the feeling of security, socialization, political socialization, and religious beliefs can play a significant role in shaping women's attitudes towards political participation in both the subjective and objective dimensions of political participation, encouraging women residing in the cities of Mazandaran province to increase their political participation in various social arenas.
The history of Tabarestan or Mazandaran, a part of the lush and elongated expanse located between the Caspian Sea and the Alborz Mountains, has witnessed many transformations in connection with the history of Iran and Islam. Despite the Arab Muslim advance into the vast majority of Southwest Asia, due to its unique climatic conditions and distinct social characteristics, Tabarestan resisted the influence of the Islamic political system and the acceptance of the new culture and religion. One of the reasons for this resistance was the presence of independent ruling dynasties known as the Ispahbads, whose rulers outwardly accepted the sovereignty of the Arab caliphs to preserve their hereditary power, until the rise of the Alavids and Daylamites diminished their influence. This research, aiming to investigate the nature and process of political relations between the Ispahbad dynasties of Tabarestan and the Islamic Caliphate during the 7th to 10th centuries CE, employs a descriptive-analytical method to discuss the nature and reasons behind the interaction and confrontation between the local rulers of Tabarestan and the Umayyad and Abbasid caliphs, seeking to uncover the hidden aspects of local history in this period. The research findings indicate that the Ispahbads of Tabarestan, by implementing a dual and pragmatic policy, sought to safeguard the ancient structure of their political system and the homogeneous fabric of their subordinate society in Tabarestan from transformation, thereby contributing to the continuity of the existing status quo. However, with the arrival of new actors, most of them ceded the field to the emerging players in the political and power arena of medieval Iran.
The Journal of Social-Political Studies of Iran's Culture and History is published to enhance the academic and specialized level of the community and to introduce the scientific and research activities and investigative articles of faculty members, researchers, and scholars.
Objectives: Efforts and collaboration to develop political and social research in the contemporary history of Iran; commitment to establishing research areas and political and social studies in the contemporary history of Iran; creating convergence between political sciences and social sciences as fields of humanities.
Scope: Publication of scientific articles on various political and social aspects of the lives of the people of Iran throughout its contemporary history, with an emphasis on the following areas: theoretical and methodological discussions in the field of political and social studies; social and political strata and classes; social and political beliefs; social policies and political communities; social and political institutions; comparative studies of political and social fields of Iran and other countries; livelihood and daily life; population and migration; natural disasters; diseases; health and medicine; rural and urbanization; customs and traditions; pastoral and nomadic life; and other specific areas of research in political and social studies.
Number of Volumes
3
Number of Issues
11
Submitted Articles
355
Rejected Articles
205
Accepted Articles
150
Acceptance Rate
37.9
Rejection Rate
62.1
Number of Indexing Databases
7