Journal of Social-Political Studies of Iran's Culture and History

Familiarity with the culture and inherited heritage of a nation requires the examination, study, understanding, and interpretation of the relationships between the foundations, phenomena, and social manifestations existing within that society. One of the most valuable representations of a society’s cultural life is its clothing and the type of attire worn by its people. The aim of this study is to identify the factors that, over time, have influenced the traditional clothing of the people of Ilam. In this regard, the research draws upon the functionalist school, Malinowski’s theory of needs, Tylor’s theory of survivals, and the diffusionist school. The research methodology includes case study, fieldwork, and interviews. It is noteworthy that the current form of headwear and body clothing among the people of Ilam, as explained in this article, has been influenced by several key factors: the passage of time and political changes; the social activities of men and women; ethnic identity; climatic and geographical conditions; livelihood patterns; cultural and religious beliefs of the community; the functional role of each clothing component; and the social status of individuals.

The present study was conducted with the aim of understanding the evolution of the concept of women's social identity in the thought of contemporary Muslim thinkers. The significance of this topic stems from the fact that female identity in Islamic societies has consistently been a contested domain among diverse interpretations of religion, tradition, and modernity, with its reflections influencing the social, cultural, and legal policymaking in Muslim societies. The research method is qualitative and based on the grounded theory strategy, which, inspired by the social actors’ approach, has engaged in content analysis of scholarly texts related to the views of contemporary Muslim thinkers. Sampling was carried out theoretically and continued until theoretical saturation was achieved. Data were collected through library studies and in-depth semi-structured text analysis, and analyzed using the three-stage coding model: open, axial, and selective coding. In this process, key concepts, relevant categories, and the relationships among them were identified and organized to formulate the final theoretical framework. To ensure the reliability of the coding, the intra-subject agreement method between two coders was employed. The findings of the research indicate that the evolution of the concept of women's social identity has emerged through the interaction of causal, contextual, and intervening factors and conceptual strategies in the thought of contemporary Muslim thinkers, and has been reflected in theoretical and social outcomes. This study, by providing an in-depth analysis of diverse perspectives on Muslim women, paves the way for designing indigenous and religious models aimed at women's empowerment and enhancing their social participation.

The present study, using the theory of concentration and periphery, examines the role of geographical, ethnic, and structural factors in the emergence and consolidation of the Khawarij in the regions of Sistan and Kerman. According to this theory, in centralized political systems, peripheral areas usually suffer from administrative instability, weak central control, ethnic divisions, and chronic deprivation, and for this reason, a suitable platform is provided for the growth of opposition movements and local resistances. The main question of this study is why the Khawarij were able to settle in Sistan and Kerman in a sustainable manner, while they were not able to have such a presence in the central regions of the Caliphate? The research method is historical-analytical and, by studying ancient sources and contemporary research, the interaction between the structure of the Caliphate and the peripheral regions of Iran is examined. The research findings show that the diverse tribal structure, distance from the center, weak administrative control, intra-ethnic conflicts, and tax pressures in these two regions allowed the Khawarij to create a kind of "alternative authority" within the heart of the Caliphate structure. As a result, the presence of the Khawarij in Sistan and Kerman should be considered an example of the action of the periphery against the center; an action that is rooted both in geographical deprivation and in the desire to restore native identity and resist domination.

The Nizari Ismaili state in northern Iran was established by Hasan Sabbah in 1090 CE (483 AH) through the seizure of the Alamut fortress and came to an end in 1256 CE (654 AH) by the hand of Hulagu Khan, the Mongol ruler. Therefore, this study explores the interactions and conflicts between this dynasty and the Paduspanid branch of the Rustamdar line within that historical period, which spans approximately two centuries. This research, taking into account the contemporaneous rule of several dynasties—including the Seljuks, the Khwarazmshahs, the Mongols, the Marʿashis, and the Second and early Third Bavandid periods—and their mutual influences with the Nizari and Rustamdar regimes, investigates the nature and reasons behind the relationship between the two dynasties through a descriptive-analytical method. The analysis of these relations reveals that the interactions between the two dynasties depended largely on the political strategies of their respective rulers. At times, these relations were characterized by strategic cooperation, at other times by direct opposition, and occasionally by indifference. The most prominent instance of confrontational strategy occurred during the reign of Istandar Kaykavus, who was a contemporary of Spahbad Shah Ghazi Bavandi, a fierce enemy of the Ismailis. Ideological and sectarian divergences between the Shiʿi-oriented religious outlook of the Paduspanid Istandars and that of the Ismailis had a significant impact on the bilateral relations of these two dynasties. These religious contradictions became a central cause for the Paduspanids' aversion toward the Ismaili sect and their classification of the group as heretical and impure in the regions of Ruyan and Mazandaran during certain historical periods.

Following the August 19, 1953 coup d’état and the fall of Dr. Mohammad Mossadegh’s national government, Iran's political sphere entered a period marked by intense repression and severe restrictions on party activity and nationalist movements. With the shutdown of the National Front of Iran and the establishment of SAVAK, the space for political engagement drastically shrank, and nationalist parties were effectively stripped of the ability to participate publicly. Under these circumstances, some nationalist leaders were arrested, while others clandestinely laid the foundation for the National Resistance Movement. This movement, through secret meetings, the printing and dissemination of statements, and efforts to mobilize nationalist and religious forces, aimed to preserve the achievements of the oil nationalization movement and to restore national governance. The National Resistance Movement sought to oppose puppet regimes and foreign domination by uniting various political and religious forces around the axis of resistance against the coup and authoritarianism. However, mounting political pressure, widespread repression, and structural transformations within the power apparatus gradually led to the dissolution of the movement and the emergence of the Second National Front. This study examines the impact of Iran’s political developments on the establishment, operation, and dissolution of the National Resistance Movement. It analyzes the role these developments played in the continuity of national struggles and the formation of subsequent political currents. Additionally, the article explores the functions of nationalist parties and their modes of interaction, while also tracing the roots of the political and social failures of this era. It demonstrates how the suppression of nationalist parties and organizations during the reign of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi paved the way for the rise of powerful opposition forces within Iranian society.

This study examines the formation and evolution of modernist tendencies in Iran from the era of the Constitutional Revolution to the Islamic Revolution. Given the nature of the inquiry, the research falls within the domain of the social sciences and aims to apply its findings to the broader target society. The methodology is grounded in constructivist and interpretivist paradigms, allowing the researcher to interact directly with the data and interpret meanings to address complex societal issues. This qualitative approach, through inductive reasoning, facilitates the discovery of meaningful patterns in social data. The present study employs the strategy of critical discourse analysis following the approach of Laclau and Mouffe to investigate the modernist orientations of six prominent Iranian intellectuals spanning from the Qajar to the Pahlavi periods: Mirza Malkam Khan, Mirza Yusef Khan Mostashar al-Dowleh, Jalal Al-e-Ahmad, Ali Shariati, Abdolkarim Soroush, and Mahmoud Dowlatabadi. Sampling in this study was carried out purposively to effectively analyze the presence or absence of concepts within texts. The unit of analysis includes the full content of books, speeches, and newspapers related to the discourse of modernity in Iran. The findings indicate that each intellectual, based on their historical and social context as well as their religious and cultural beliefs, adopted a distinct approach to modernity. Malkam Khan, by emphasizing the law as the salvation of Iran, implicitly endorses the grand narrative of Western modernity. Mostashar al-Dowleh seeks to localize the principles of modernity within the framework of Islamic Sharia. Al-e-Ahmad characterizes Western modernity as a disease and a cause of Westoxification. Shariati, by advocating a return to an Islamic self, aims to present an alternative model to Western modernity. Soroush, emphasizing religious intellectualism, views modernity as a historical and cultural phenomenon that manifests in diverse forms. Dowlatabadi, through his novel Kelidar, depicts the impact of modern elements on rural society, presenting modernity as a complex and multidimensional phenomenon. This research demonstrates that the discourse of modernity in Iran has not been monolithic or unified, and that Iranian intellectuals, through their divergent perspectives, have played a significant role in shaping and directing this discourse.

This study conducts a comparative analysis of three major world revolutions: the French Revolution (1789–1799), the Russian Revolution (1917), and the Iranian Constitutional Revolution (1905–1911), and identifies seven fundamental lessons derived from these historical events. Using a comparative-analytical method and drawing on credible historical sources, the study demonstrates that despite their differences in time and geography, these revolutions follow common patterns rooted in social, economic, and political discontent. The findings indicate that superficial reforms within authoritarian regimes are ineffective and incapable of preventing deep transformations. Furthermore, the threat of a return to despotism after a revolution—particularly in the absence of democratic institution-building—constitutes a serious risk. Institutionalizing revolutionary goals, as occurred in France, is essential for preserving revolutionary achievements. The role of religious institutions in these events has been dual-faceted, and managing the religion-politics relationship remains a central challenge. A rational approach to religion, active participation of the marginalized classes, and emphasis on the people's role as the true protagonists of revolution are additional lessons highlighted in this study. These results offer a framework for understanding the dynamics of revolutionary movements and provide practical guidance for societies in transition to avoid post-revolutionary failures.

The discourse analysis method is one of the qualitative methods in political studies, employed to explain semantic systems that lead to the formation of a particular understanding regarding the role of individuals or actors within society or the international environment. The primary objective of employing this analytical method is to examine the ways and mechanisms through which a semantic system and discursive framework make a specific action or policy possible. To date, numerous studies in the field of political science have been conducted using the discourse analysis method. The main goal of this research is to apply discourse analysis to explain the security policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran in West Asia. Accordingly, the central research question is: how can Iran's security policies in West Asia be explained through the lens of discourse analysis? In response to this question, the hypothesis of the study posits that the Islamic Republic of Iran has sought to define its security policies in the West Asian region through the construction of a discursive articulation that transcends political and geographical boundaries. This articulation, in turn, has led Iran to play a more active role in the targeted region. The findings of the study indicate that the central signifier of this discourse revolves around the cessation of meaning-making with reference to the nodal point of liberating Jerusalem and the anti-Israeli stance, viewing Israel as a usurping regime. The research methodology employed in this study is descriptive-analytical, based on discourse analysis. Data collection has been carried out through documentary and library methods, utilizing both accessible and credible physical resources such as books and electronic resources, including academic books and articles published in scholarly journals.