Journal of Social-Political Studies of Iran's Culture and History

Political development in developing societies, particularly in Iran, is largely dependent on governmental approaches and functions. In this regard, governorates, as the highest representatives of the central government at the county level, play a key role in coordinating, supervising, and facilitating political development processes. The present study was conducted with the aim of examining the role and impact of governorates on political development in the counties of Aligudarz, Dorud, and Azna in Lorestan Province. In terms of purpose, this study is applied research, and in terms of approach, it is quantitative. Data were collected through a survey method using a researcher-made questionnaire administered to all employees of the governorates of the three counties (125 individuals through a census method). The reliability of the questionnaire was confirmed using Cronbach’s alpha coefficient (0.91). Data analysis was performed using one-sample t-tests, one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA), and Duncan’s post hoc test. The findings indicated that the mean overall index of political development in all three counties was significantly higher than the average level (Dorud = 3.82, Azna = 3.62, Aligudarz = 3.49). Among the sub-indices, “women’s presence” and “government efficiency” had the highest means, whereas “political participation” had the lowest mean. A statistically significant difference among the governorates was observed only in the sub-index of “political participation,” with the Dorud governorate demonstrating better performance. The results suggest that governorates play an effective role in facilitating political development; however, they face weaknesses in attracting political participation, particularly in rural areas, as well as structural limitations. Decentralization, meritocracy, and strengthening local media are among the policy recommendations proposed in this study.

This study aims to sociologically examine the impact of lifestyle dimensions on students’ political orientations in Ahvaz . The research adopted a descriptive-survey design with an applied objective. The statistical population consisted of university students in Ahvaz, from which 384 participants were selected using stratified random sampling. Data were collected through a structured questionnaire measuring lifestyle (religious performance, social status, and economic status) and political orientations. Content validity was confirmed by experts, and reliability was established using Cronbach’s alpha coefficients above 0.78. Data analysis was conducted using Partial Least Squares Structural Equation Modeling (PLS-SEM). The results indicated that lifestyle has a significant effect on political orientations, explaining approximately 27% of their variance (β=0.275). The strongest effect of lifestyle was observed on conservatism (β=0.320), while the weakest effect was on moderation (β=0.185). Religious performance, particularly socio-religious cohesion, emerged as the strongest predictor of both conservatism (β=0.299) and reformism (β=0.310). Social status showed a significant influence on moderation (β=0.412), whereas economic status did not demonstrate a statistically significant relationship with political orientations. The findings suggest that lifestyle, as a multidimensional construct, plays a crucial role in shaping political orientations, particularly through its religious and social dimensions.

The structure of the judicial institution in Iran during the Seljuk period consisted of two components: customary (ʿurfī) and religious (sharʿī). Due to the predominance of tribal elements within this system, the customary branch held a particularly prominent position. From the outset, the Seljuks, by employing Iranian bureaucrats, sought to establish a powerful state, and within this framework, the judicial institution was among the most significant sectors that received their attention. The appointment of chief judges (qāḍī al-quḍāt) in Baghdad and the designation of chief judges across various regions of the empire indicate their serious determination to create a centralized system. In this context, examining the role of local judicial institutions as part of the empire’s efforts to expand its authority across its territories is of particular importance. Mazandaran, as one of the major provinces of the Seljuk state, attracted the attention of Seljuk sultans from the very beginning. Accordingly, the present study adopts a textual-analytical approach to investigate the role and position of local judicial institutions in Mazandaran during the period of the Great Seljuks, aiming to answer the following questions: What was the status of local judges? And what were the scope and nature of their duties? It appears that the direct appointment of officials such as the governor (wālī), chief (raʾīs), chief judge (qāḍī al-quḍāt), military commander (shaḥna), and market inspector (muḥtasib) by the royal institution, as the highest judicial authority of the empire, reflects the importance of these positions in local provinces. Furthermore, the duties specified and defined in the issued charters indicate the state’s efforts toward centralization and the expansion of justice.

Secularism and Islamism are among the socially constructed concepts that emerged under the influence of intellectual and political transformations and present theories concerning the relationship between religion and politics. These concepts possess the necessary capacities to become fundamental subjects within the political and religious literature and sphere of post–Islamic Revolution Iran. The method of this study is based on historical–social analysis, documentary research, and the application of the theoretical framework of communitarianism. The purpose of this research is to analyze and examine the relationship between Islamism and secularism in intellectual currents after the Islamic Revolution based on the communitarianism model. According to this model, in conducting our analysis, examination, and relational assessment, we must pay attention, on the one hand, to the historical context, circumstances, and social and intellectual foundations of Iranian society, and, on the other hand, to the plurality of intellectual groups that present viewpoints in this regard. The communitarian approach, through the epistemological and methodological capacities it provides for the analysis and examination of socially constructed concepts, can be highly applicable to many societies, particularly Iranian society. Furthermore, this approach avoids the pitfalls of the absolutism of modernism and the relativism of postmodernism, both of which, in certain cases, reduce the complexity of these concepts.

This study examines the dimensions of the continuity of Zoroastrian presence along the shores of the Persian Gulf from the beginning of the Sasanian period to the era of the Buyids. The Persian Gulf, as one of the most significant strategic and cultural regions of Iran, has consistently served as a locus for the settlement and interaction of diverse ethnic and religious groups. Zoroastrians, as one of the oldest religious communities in Iran, have played a significant role in this region. The primary objective of this research is to analyze the mechanisms underlying the continuity of Zoroastrian presence along the Persian Gulf and to assess the impact of political, social, and religious transformations on their existence. Employing a descriptive–analytical method and drawing upon library-based sources and historical documents, this study investigates the factors that contributed to either the persistence or decline of the Zoroastrian community in this region. The findings indicate that despite pressures arising from the expansion of Islam and political transformations, Zoroastrians were able to preserve their religious and social identity for a considerable period. The establishment and development of fire temples, the continuation of religious rituals, and the influential role of social institutions were among the key factors contributing to the continuity of this community. Ultimately, political pressures, forced migrations, and demographic changes led to a decline in the Zoroastrian presence along the Persian Gulf. The results of this study suggest that examining the history of religious communities such as the Zoroastrians in the Persian Gulf can provide a deeper understanding of Iran’s cultural and religious transformations and highlight the importance of this region in preserving and transmitting ancient cultures.

This study provides a historical–sociological analysis of the collapse of constitutional institutions and the emergence of sultanistic authority during the early Pahlavi era in Iran. The Constitutional Revolution represented the first systematic attempt to transform absolutist monarchy into a rule-based political order through the establishment of parliament, constitutional law, and representative institutions. Despite these institutional innovations, constitutionalism developed within a socio-political environment lacking the structural foundations necessary for durable institutionalization. Weak state capacity, political instability, absence of organized political parties, security crises, and foreign intervention undermined the effectiveness of constitutional governance and gradually eroded public confidence in parliamentary rule. As the gap widened between constitutional ideals and governing realities, political discourse increasingly shifted from demands for liberty toward calls for order and centralized authority. The rise of Reza Shah must therefore be understood within this broader historical context. Through military consolidation, bureaucratic centralization, and state-led modernization, the new regime restored stability and strengthened state capacity. However, modernization was accompanied by the personalization of political power, transforming formal institutions into instruments of executive authority and producing a political structure consistent with sultanistic rule. The findings suggest that Pahlavi sultanism emerged not merely from individual ambition but from the gradual institutional erosion of constitutionalism and the incomplete process of political institutionalization during Iran’s transition to modernity. The study demonstrates that state modernization without autonomous political institutions can reinforce centralized authority while reproducing personalized governance within modern administrative forms.

Coins and mints are among the most significant historical sources for examining the economic, political, and cultural transformations of societies. The city of Shiraz, as one of the major economic centers of Iran following the advent of Islam, consistently played a prominent role in coin production and the regional monetary system. This study investigates the coins minted in Shiraz and the active mints of this city across various post-Islamic periods. Employing a descriptive–analytical method and drawing on historical sources as well as numismatic specimens, the study analyzes the evolution of coin design, script, material composition, and engraved inscriptions. The findings indicate that the mints of Shiraz underwent notable changes in minting practices across different Islamic periods, influenced by prevailing political and economic developments. Furthermore, the study demonstrates that coins minted in Shiraz reflect the fiscal policies of successive governments, the degree of economic autonomy, and the cultural influences characteristic of each period.

Iran–Africa relations have deep historical roots. Africa has consistently been one of the main priorities of Iran’s foreign policy. During the Cold War, Iran supported the process of decolonization across the African continent. Until 1979, Iran’s engagement with Africa was based on mutual economic, political, and strategic interests. After the Islamic Revolution, the nature of these relations underwent significant transformations. In recent years, Iran’s diplomatic and economic relations with East African countries have expanded, particularly in political, commercial, and developmental domains. Relying on principles such as non-interference in domestic affairs and the convergence of developing countries, Iran seeks to strengthen its position in this region and create counterweights to the influence of Western powers. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to examine the diplomatic and economic relations between Iran and East African countries. To achieve this objective, a descriptive–analytical method was employed. Findings indicate that, from an economic perspective, Iran seeks to benefit from the natural resources and developmental needs of East African countries, while these countries, in turn, require Iranian products and services in areas such as oil, petrochemicals, engineering, and technology. However, challenges such as sanctions and competition with other economic powers like China and India persist. From a diplomatic standpoint, some African countries aim to restrict the Islamic Republic of Iran’s cultural and religious influence in the region; therefore, they establish relations with Iran’s rivals, such as Israel and Saudi Arabia. In response, Iran, through cultural and religious diplomacy, attempts to expand its influence in the region. Overall, Iran’s relations with this region possess considerable potential for development, yet they require strategic management of opportunities and challenges to achieve desirable outcomes.