Journal of Social-Political Studies of Iran's Culture and History

The centralized modernization of the Pahlavi regime was an aggressive project aimed at transitioning from a traditional federal structure to a modern nation-state, within which tribes were perceived as missing links and potential threats to the process of centralization. Focusing on the Rostam tribe in Fars Province, the present study examines the four-dimensional transformations of this tribe during the reigns of Reza Shah and Mohammad Reza Shah. The main question is how the structural pressures exerted by the central state on autonomous tribal institutions led to fundamental changes in the fabric of power and everyday life. This study was conducted using a descriptive-analytical approach and a historical-documentary method. The data were collected and validated through content analysis of archival documents, including military reports and bureaucratic correspondence, contemporary newspapers such as Habl al-Matin, and field research based on oral history. The findings indicate that the strategy of the Pahlavi state consisted of a combination of “military repression,” “confiscation of property rights,” and “compulsory land reforms.” In the political dimension, wars such as the Gajestan conflict and the execution of khans such as Imam-Qoli Khan and Hossein-Qoli Khan symbolized the complete disarmament of hereditary tribal authority. In the economic dimension, the transfer of lands to non-local merchants, such as Moein al-Tojjar Bushehri, and the implementation of land reforms in the 1960s dismantled the landlord-peasant system. Although this process disrupted traditional class stability, it also resulted in the rupture of social solidarity bonds and the continuation of property disputes among tribal clans. In the cultural dimension, the emergence of modern secular education through figures such as Bahman Beigi stood in direct opposition to the religious educational system and paved the way for the formation of a new elite. The study argues that although the Pahlavi state succeeded in securing the unconditional submission of the Rostam tribe in the short term, this “top-down” modernization led to the institutional collapse of traditional structures without providing an effective substitute. The long-term consequence of these transformations was the emergence of a deep social divide and an identity crisis rooted in the unjust management of the transition from tradition to modernity.

This study aimed to examine the role of cognitive warfare in the modern military strategies of the Islamic Republic of Iran and to investigate the transition from battlefield combat to the battle of narratives. The study was conducted using a qualitative approach and the thematic analysis method. Professors of defense and strategic studies, cognitive warfare analysts in security think tanks, and specialists in political communication and social psychology were considered the statistical population and research experts. The sampling method was snowball sampling, and the researcher reached theoretical saturation through semi-structured interviews with 16 experts. Following open, axial, and selective coding, the findings indicated that Iran’s defense doctrine has undergone a paradigmatic transformation and is shaped by six main themes: “transformation of doctrine and the nature of the battlefield,” “counterstrategies and social resilience,” “the ecosystem of actors and content production,” “institutional governance and command integration,” “emerging threats and emergent technologies,” and “capacity assessment and indigenization of knowledge.” This means that national security is no longer merely physical; rather, it is grounded in the management of meaning, intelligent monitoring of public opinion, the use of digital elites, and confrontation with artificial intelligence threats. In addition, challenges such as interinstitutional lack of coordination, the shortage of indigenous models, and weaknesses in the quantitative measurement of effectiveness were identified as implementation barriers. The final conclusion indicates that success in the battle of narratives requires the establishment of unified cognitive command headquarters, the enhancement of citizens’ media literacy, and a transition from qualitative judgments to data-driven and quantitative evaluations in order to strengthen national resilience against hybrid warfare.

Sir Firoozabad region is located in the east and southeast of Mahidasht and also in the south of Kermanshah. Archaeologically and historically, it is one of the most pristine and unknown parts of Kermanshah province.This area has been less studied by researchers for various reasons, including being marginal, impassable roads and having a mobile nomadic community.

the landmarks of Sarfiroozabad region is the number of cemeteries which, 36 of them can be seen. The history of these works dates back to different historical periods in the Islamic period and apparently most of them belong to the contemporary period. Gharibeh Cemetery or "Khoriveh" is one of these works, which according to local reports, as well as the existence and observation of a tomb belonging to a person named Salar Khan in 1107 AH. That is, it is related to the end of the Safavid dynasty and is still used today.

The present article intends to analyze the images engraved on the graves of "Gharibeh" or "Khriveh" cemetery as a research community And decipher the meanings of these engraved images, Therefore, data were collected from a set of 204 samples based on purposive sampling. Content analysis method was used to examine the data . And by classifying the types of motifs in the form of human, animal, plant, solid, geometric symbols, the results obtained show that the images of tombstones were not only aesthetic and decorative aspects , but also as a valid and first-hand document that shows the religious, cultural and social characteristics of the area. By analyzing these images, one can achieve the social and religious context of the inhabitants and the type and manner of their livelihood, and even their interests and hobbies.

The Umayyad Caliphate represents one of the most significant periods in the political and cultural history of Islam, a period during which the Islamic realm expanded rapidly and a diverse society composed of various ethnicities and cultures emerged. Using a descriptive–analytical approach and drawing upon historical sources and contemporary scholarship, this study examines the influence of Iranian culture on the culture of Muslim Arabs during the Umayyad era. The findings indicate that despite the official Umayyad policy of privileging the Arab element, numerous Iranian cultural, administrative, and political institutions penetrated the structure of the government and Islamic society in practice. The transfer of bureaucratic institutions, the continuation of the Sasanian taxation system, the adoption of courtly traditions, and the influential role of Iranian secretaries and administrators were among the most prominent manifestations of this cultural influence. This cultural interaction contributed to the formation of a centralized model of governance within Islamic civilization. The significance of this issue lies in the fact that the Umayyad period constituted a transitional stage between the relatively simple caliphal tradition of early Islam and the more complex caliphal system that emerged in subsequent periods, particularly during the Abbasid Caliphate. Examining this period demonstrates how Iranian elements were absorbed, reinterpreted, and institutionalized within the framework of the Islamic Caliphate and highlights their role in shaping the civilizational model of Islam.

Political development in developing societies, particularly in Iran, is largely dependent on governmental approaches and functions. In this regard, governorates, as the highest representatives of the central government at the county level, play a key role in coordinating, supervising, and facilitating political development processes. The present study was conducted with the aim of examining the role and impact of governorates on political development in the counties of Aligudarz, Dorud, and Azna in Lorestan Province. In terms of purpose, this study is applied research, and in terms of approach, it is quantitative. Data were collected through a survey method using a researcher-made questionnaire administered to all employees of the governorates of the three counties (125 individuals through a census method). The reliability of the questionnaire was confirmed using Cronbach’s alpha coefficient (0.91). Data analysis was performed using one-sample t-tests, one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA), and Duncan’s post hoc test. The findings indicated that the mean overall index of political development in all three counties was significantly higher than the average level (Dorud = 3.82, Azna = 3.62, Aligudarz = 3.49). Among the sub-indices, “women’s presence” and “government efficiency” had the highest means, whereas “political participation” had the lowest mean. A statistically significant difference among the governorates was observed only in the sub-index of “political participation,” with the Dorud governorate demonstrating better performance. The results suggest that governorates play an effective role in facilitating political development; however, they face weaknesses in attracting political participation, particularly in rural areas, as well as structural limitations. Decentralization, meritocracy, and strengthening local media are among the policy recommendations proposed in this study.

This study aims to sociologically examine the impact of lifestyle dimensions on students’ political orientations in Ahvaz . The research adopted a descriptive-survey design with an applied objective. The statistical population consisted of university students in Ahvaz, from which 384 participants were selected using stratified random sampling. Data were collected through a structured questionnaire measuring lifestyle (religious performance, social status, and economic status) and political orientations. Content validity was confirmed by experts, and reliability was established using Cronbach’s alpha coefficients above 0.78. Data analysis was conducted using Partial Least Squares Structural Equation Modeling (PLS-SEM). The results indicated that lifestyle has a significant effect on political orientations, explaining approximately 27% of their variance (β=0.275). The strongest effect of lifestyle was observed on conservatism (β=0.320), while the weakest effect was on moderation (β=0.185). Religious performance, particularly socio-religious cohesion, emerged as the strongest predictor of both conservatism (β=0.299) and reformism (β=0.310). Social status showed a significant influence on moderation (β=0.412), whereas economic status did not demonstrate a statistically significant relationship with political orientations. The findings suggest that lifestyle, as a multidimensional construct, plays a crucial role in shaping political orientations, particularly through its religious and social dimensions.

The structure of the judicial institution in Iran during the Seljuk period consisted of two components: customary (ʿurfī) and religious (sharʿī). Due to the predominance of tribal elements within this system, the customary branch held a particularly prominent position. From the outset, the Seljuks, by employing Iranian bureaucrats, sought to establish a powerful state, and within this framework, the judicial institution was among the most significant sectors that received their attention. The appointment of chief judges (qāḍī al-quḍāt) in Baghdad and the designation of chief judges across various regions of the empire indicate their serious determination to create a centralized system. In this context, examining the role of local judicial institutions as part of the empire’s efforts to expand its authority across its territories is of particular importance. Mazandaran, as one of the major provinces of the Seljuk state, attracted the attention of Seljuk sultans from the very beginning. Accordingly, the present study adopts a textual-analytical approach to investigate the role and position of local judicial institutions in Mazandaran during the period of the Great Seljuks, aiming to answer the following questions: What was the status of local judges? And what were the scope and nature of their duties? It appears that the direct appointment of officials such as the governor (wālī), chief (raʾīs), chief judge (qāḍī al-quḍāt), military commander (shaḥna), and market inspector (muḥtasib) by the royal institution, as the highest judicial authority of the empire, reflects the importance of these positions in local provinces. Furthermore, the duties specified and defined in the issued charters indicate the state’s efforts toward centralization and the expansion of justice.

Secularism and Islamism are among the socially constructed concepts that emerged under the influence of intellectual and political transformations and present theories concerning the relationship between religion and politics. These concepts possess the necessary capacities to become fundamental subjects within the political and religious literature and sphere of post–Islamic Revolution Iran. The method of this study is based on historical–social analysis, documentary research, and the application of the theoretical framework of communitarianism. The purpose of this research is to analyze and examine the relationship between Islamism and secularism in intellectual currents after the Islamic Revolution based on the communitarianism model. According to this model, in conducting our analysis, examination, and relational assessment, we must pay attention, on the one hand, to the historical context, circumstances, and social and intellectual foundations of Iranian society, and, on the other hand, to the plurality of intellectual groups that present viewpoints in this regard. The communitarian approach, through the epistemological and methodological capacities it provides for the analysis and examination of socially constructed concepts, can be highly applicable to many societies, particularly Iranian society. Furthermore, this approach avoids the pitfalls of the absolutism of modernism and the relativism of postmodernism, both of which, in certain cases, reduce the complexity of these concepts.