Journal of Social-Political Studies of Iran's Culture and History

Factors Affecting Human Trafficking in Sistan and Baluchestan Province

Hamed Javadi iD , Ali Akbar Amini ^* iD , Hamid Saeedi Javadi iD

Human trafficking is one of the most complex forms of organized crime and is shaped by a combination of economic, social, geographic, legal, and institutional factors. Due to its transnational and exploitative nature, it produces serious consequences for social security, victims’ rights, and the rule of law. Sistan and Baluchestan Province is particularly important in this regard because of its extensive international borders, geographic dispersion, location along migration and transit routes, socioeconomic disparities, and the presence of informal cross-border movements. This study aimed to identify and explain the major factors contributing to the emergence and persistence of human trafficking in Sistan and Baluchestan Province and to analyze the interaction among these factors. The study adopted a descriptive-analytical approach with a focus on the legal, criminological, and social dimensions of human trafficking. The findings indicated that poverty, unemployment, economic insecurity, informal employment, limited public awareness, the vulnerability of women and children, irregular migration, extensive border areas, multiple unofficial routes, insufficient coordination among responsible institutions, difficulties in identifying victims, and the operation of organized criminal networks are among the most important factors contributing to human trafficking in the province. The findings also demonstrated that these factors do not operate independently; rather, they interact and reinforce one another, thereby creating conditions that facilitate the recruitment, transportation, control, and exploitation of victims. The study concludes that an effective response to human trafficking requires a comprehensive and coordinated strategy that simultaneously addresses economic development, reduction of social vulnerability, intelligent border control, victim identification and protection, specialized training of law-enforcement authorities, interagency coordination, and regional cooperation.

Foreign Policy of Israel from the Constructivist Perspective and Its Impact on Middle East Security (Case Study: Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Iran)

Afshin Qolipour iD , Hossein Karimifard ^* iD , Hamed Mohagheghnia iD , Hamed Ameri Golestan iD

https://doi.org/10.61838/kman.jspsich.294

The aim of the present study is to examine Israel’s foreign policy from the constructivist perspective and its impact on Middle East security, with a focus on Israel’s relations with Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Iran. To achieve this goal, the required data were collected from primary and secondary sources through a library-based note-taking method and analyzed descriptively. The constructivist approach, emphasizing the role of identities, norms, and mutual perceptions in shaping foreign policy, provides an appropriate framework for analyzing these relationships. The findings of the study indicate that changes in the identity and foreign policy norms of Saudi Arabia and Turkey have led to transformations in their relations with Israel. Regarding Saudi Arabia, the emergence of shared threats and a shift in security perceptions have created conditions for closer engagement with Israel, while the change in Turkey’s foreign policy identity following the rise of the Justice and Development Party has resulted in tensions with Israel. Concerning Iran, negative mutual perceptions and normative conflict with Israel have generated a cycle of distrust and heightened tensions, affecting the overall security of the region. The study concludes that a deeper understanding of identity and normative dynamics in Israel’s relations with these three countries can contribute to adopting more effective approaches for managing tensions and enhancing regional security.

The Legitimacy of the Safavid State and the Formation of Shi'a Religious Institutions

Nosratkhatoon alavi ^*

https://doi.org/10.61838/kman.jspsich.304

Various components influence the formation of the culture of any nation or the followers of any religion. A comprehensive examination of the cultural history of any nation requires attention to all the causes and factors involved in the formation process of their cultural history. Among these causes and factors is the function of religion, which is considered one of the most influential elements in the cultural history of nations. In examining the Safavid rule, religion and its associated forces play a significant role. In fact, the government that Shah Ismail I established in 1501 was a religious government based on the existing religious indicators in society. The Safavid rulers managed to accelerate the process of forming their worldly power by relying on religious institutions. The role of religion in the formation, legitimization, continuity, and eventual decline of the Safavid state is entirely evident. Although the Safavid state was formed on the basis of religion and religious forces, the element of culture and its evolutionary course flourished significantly with the establishment and consolidation of the government. This study examines the role of religion and Shi'a Islam in the culture of Safavid-era Iran. The most significant achievement and finding of this work is the identification and analysis of some beliefs, rituals, institutions, and Shi'a symbols that had a positive role in shaping the culture of Iranians during this period. Thus, this text will explore the factors and subjects that influenced the social and cultural behavior and practices of Iranians during the Safavid era.

The Role of Social Capital in the Political Socialization of Students in Iran's Education System (Case Study: Markazi Province)

Roya Zangbari iD , Hossain Ajdarizadeh ^* iD , Mohammad Hossein Pouryani iD

https://doi.org/10.61838/kman.jspsich.334

In contemporary societies, the role of social capital in the political socialization of students is central to political discourse. Education, as the custodian of the political system and a pivotal factor in political development, serves as the primary agent for the political socialization of adolescents and youth within the framework of national political culture. This study examines the role of social capital in the political socialization of students in the education system of Markazi Province, Iran. When schools succeed in politically socializing students, a form of harmony and cohesion is fostered between society's constituents and its leaders, thereby facilitating development. Identifying factors influencing the political socialization of students is thus essential. This research employs a survey method to investigate the relationship between two variables: social capital and political socialization. The statistical population includes all high school students in Markazi Province, with a sample size of 388 individuals selected through multistage stratified random sampling. Data collection was conducted using a researcher-designed questionnaire. Findings indicate a significant positive relationship between the variable of family social capital and the political socialization of students. Additionally, the variables of students' communication networks with teachers and peers exhibited weak but significant relationships with political socialization. The validity of the questionnaires was assessed through face validity, and reliability was estimated using Cronbach's alpha coefficients.

Ethnic Divide and Its Impact on the Formation of Political Sub-Discourses Among Iranian Kurds During the First Two Decades of the Islamic Republic

Azad Mohammadiani iD , Sadegh Zibakalam ^* iD , Majid Tavasoli Roknabadi iD , Ahmad Saei iD

https://doi.org/10.61838/kman.jspsich.339

This article analyzes the political sub-discourses of Kurdish political forces during the first two decades following the Islamic Revolution, employing the discourse analysis method of Laclau and Mouffe. It examines the discursive system of two Kurdish sub-discourses in this period, shaped by the deepening of the ethnic divide resulting from the policies of the Islamic Republic, particularly with the onset of the imposed war and the pursuit of a specific type of nationalism by the government. Furthermore, it seeks to analyze the discursive transformations of Kurdish political sub-discourses influenced by the overlapping effects of religious and class divides on the ethnic divide within the framework of Stein Rokkan’s social cleavage theory, which views significant historical events as factors contributing to the emergence and intensification of cleavages. This study employs discourse analysis as the research method, with Stein Rokkan’s social cleavage theory forming its theoretical foundation.

Examining the Relations Between the Nizari Ismailis of Northern Iran and the Rustamdar Paduspanids

Aliakbar Hosseiny iD , Ramazan Seyghal ^* iD , Abdollah Rejaee Litkohi iD

https://doi.org/10.61838/kman.jspsich.478

The Nizari Ismaili state in northern Iran was established by Hasan Sabbah in 1090 CE (483 AH) through the seizure of the Alamut fortress and came to an end in 1256 CE (654 AH) by the hand of Hulagu Khan, the Mongol ruler. Therefore, this study explores the interactions and conflicts between this dynasty and the Paduspanid branch of the Rustamdar line within that historical period, which spans approximately two centuries. This research, taking into account the contemporaneous rule of several dynasties—including the Seljuks, the Khwarazmshahs, the Mongols, the Marʿashis, and the Second and early Third Bavandid periods—and their mutual influences with the Nizari and Rustamdar regimes, investigates the nature and reasons behind the relationship between the two dynasties through a descriptive-analytical method. The analysis of these relations reveals that the interactions between the two dynasties depended largely on the political strategies of their respective rulers. At times, these relations were characterized by strategic cooperation, at other times by direct opposition, and occasionally by indifference. The most prominent instance of confrontational strategy occurred during the reign of Istandar Kaykavus, who was a contemporary of Spahbad Shah Ghazi Bavandi, a fierce enemy of the Ismailis. Ideological and sectarian divergences between the Shiʿi-oriented religious outlook of the Paduspanid Istandars and that of the Ismailis had a significant impact on the bilateral relations of these two dynasties. These religious contradictions became a central cause for the Paduspanids' aversion toward the Ismaili sect and their classification of the group as heretical and impure in the regions of Ruyan and Mazandaran during certain historical periods.

Examining the goals and indicators of modern Islamic civilization from the perspective of the Supreme Leader

نادر قیطاسی iD , jahanbakhsh moradi ^* iD , علی قاسمیان iD

Islamic civilization has had its ups and downs, and with the victory of the Islamic Revolution, Islamic awakening in Iran reached its peak and the Islamic world moved towards awakening. The Supreme Leader has proposed a new theory of "modern Islamic civilization" for the development of Islamic civilization. In this regard, the main purpose of this article is to explain the goals and indicators of modern Islamic civilization from the perspective of the Supreme Leader. The main question is posed as to what are the goals and indicators of modern Islamic civilization from the perspective of the Supreme Leader, and the hypothesis is put forward that the main indicator of Islamic civilization from the perspective of the Supreme Leader is the enjoyment of all material and spiritual capacities by humans, and its main goal is to ensure happiness and strengthen religious values. The results of the research show that from the perspective of the Supreme Leader, the development and progress of modern Islamic civilization requires collective effort and wisdom that is created in the shadow of morality, work and effort, faith in God, rationality, scientific ability, a flourishing economy, the availability of strong media, and international relations. The type of research method is descriptive-analytical and based on library studies.

Examining the Impact of Social Media on Iran’s International Image and Its Utilization for Enhancing Soft Power

Mehryar Hanafi ^* iD

https://doi.org/10.61838/kman.jspsich.427

The emergence of social media has played an unparalleled role in shaping public opinion, fostering cultural norms, and influencing international relations. These platforms, due to their extensive reach, persuasive power, and ability to simultaneously reflect social realities, have provided an opportunity to highlight the soft power of nations. The objective of this study is to examine the impact of social media on Iran’s international image and to elucidate the role of soft power in enhancing Iran’s global standing. This research is quantitative in nature and employs a survey method. The statistical population consists of 190 experts and specialists in communications and political science from the University of Tehran, Shahid Beheshti University, and the School of International Relations of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Based on Morgan’s table, a sample of 44 participants was selected. The data collection tool was a researcher-designed questionnaire, whose validity was confirmed by experts, and reliability was verified using Cronbach’s alpha (0.78). The findings indicated a significant and positive relationship between the soft power of the Islamic Republic of Iran and its impact on social media (correlation coefficient = 0.815). Additionally, soft power demonstrated a direct and strong correlation with components such as awareness-raising (0.758), agenda-setting (0.655), opinion expression (0.585), and the creation of national and transnational solidarity (0.805). The results revealed that strengthening soft power in social media facilitates increased public awareness, reinforces national and transnational cohesion, and counters biased narratives. Therefore, policymaking in this domain can contribute to enhancing Iran’s international position.

Journal of Social-Political Studies of Iran's Culture and History

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An Examination of the Visual and Geometric Features of Kufic Banna’i Script in the Inscriptions of the Abbasi Jameh Mosque of Isfahan During the Safavid Era

Qualitative Analysis of the Political and Sociological Factors of Convergence and Divergence among the Baloch Ethnic Group

The Ghurids and the Expansion of Islam in India: A Study of Political and Cultural Transformations

Economic and Trade Relations between Iran and Syria (2011–2021)

State-Building from Below: An Analysis of the Role of Subaltern Social Groups in the Formation of the Saffarid Government Based on the Subaltern Studies Approach

Collapse of Constitutional Institutions and the Emergence of Sultanistic Authority in the Early Pahlavi Period

The Role of the Middle Classes in the Islamic Revolution

A Comparative Study of the Religious Traditions and Beliefs of Iranians during the Qajar Era from the Perspective of French and Japanese Travel Writers

The Law of Crisis Persistence in Iran: Explaining the Cyclical Pattern of Internal and External Challenges in the Islamic Republic

Iranians’ Views of Russians and the English before the Nineteenth Century: From Suspicion to Admiration

The Political Functions of Khilʿat Investiture and Gift Diplomacy in the Qajar Era

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